END OF SINN FEIN REBELLION

END OF SINN FEIN REBELLION
• Unconditional Surrender
• Great Loss of Life
• Post Office Burned: O’Connell Street in Ruins
• Some of the Leaders shot
• What our Special Correspondent saw
• Statement by Mr Redmond

On Saturday morning the leaders of the Provisional Government agreed to an unconditional surrender, and ordered the commanders of all units of the Republican forces to lay down arms. Since then there have been many surrenders, and up to Sunday night there were 707 prisoners, including the Leaders Pearse and Connolly, and the Countess Markievicz.
The Sinn Féin leaders at Enniscorthy and other places were unbelieving as to the surrender in Dublin, and before making the submission of their followers, proceeded to the capital under military escort to see the position for themselves.
During the insurrection in the city, many lives have been lost on both sides, and the damage to property must represent hundreds of thousands of pounds.
O’Connell Street, the finest thoroughfare in Europe is in ruins, and among the buildings destroyed is the General Post Office, one of the architectural features of that thoroughfare. By night the city has been lit up by the glare of incendiary fires, and sniping has gone on by night and day.
Some revolutionary leaders have been court-martialled and shot.
On Wednesday, martial law was proclaimed. At the same time the military issued an order requiring all public-houses to be closed, except between the hours of 2pm and 5pm.
The fighting continued throughout the week, and the casualty list must be a very heavy one, considering that the Mercer’s Hospital alone over 600 wounded persons have been attended.

THE LEADERS.
P. H. PEARSE, B.L
Padraic II Pearse, Barrister-at-Law. A prominent Gaelic Leaguer, he was for many years editor of 'An Claid Leamh Soluis’, the official organ of the Language Revival movement, a position which he resigned to establish St Enda’s, Rathfarnham, an Irish-Ireland secondary school. He was one of the contributors to 'Irish Freedom’ one of the papers suppressed shortly after the outbreak of the European war, and also wrote several pamphlets for the 'Tracts for the Times’ series, one of the latest published being 'The Separatist Idea’. He also wrote some books in Irish. He was on Headquarters Staff of the Irish Volunteers, holding the rank of commandant and Director of Recruiting.

THOMAS J. CLARKE
Thomas J. Clarke, who heads the list of first signatories to the proclamation of the Irish Republic, was born in Anne Street, Dungannon, and for many years he was a member of the permanent staff of the Mid-Ulster Royal Garrison Artillery. At an early age he joined the Clan-na-Gael, and was associated with the organisation in London in when he was sentenced to a long term of imprisonment. For some years he has been a tobacconist and newsagent in the north side of Dublin.

JAMES CONNOLLY
James Connolly, chief of the Citizen Army, native of County Monaghan. He was one of James Larkin’s lieutenants in the Irish. Transport Workers’ Union, having charge of the organisation in Belfast for some time. When Larkin left for America he assumed the leadership, and edited 'The Workers’ Republic’, the organ of Liberty Hall. He wrote 'Labour in Irish History and other books.

COUNTESS MARKIEVICZ
Countess Markievicz, who is among the prisoners taken in Dublin, has for some years been a striking personality in public life. A daughter of the late Sir Henry Gore-Booth, a large landowner of Sligo, and sister an of the present baronet, she spent her early life on her father’s estate, where she was renowned as an ardent horsewoman, who knew all that was to be known about horses. She drives a four-in-hand as an expect, has ridden in hunt races, and has had more than the usual experience that come to a woman of her rank. In due course she was presented at Court, spending several seasons in London. Later she became an art student in Paris, achieving success as an exhibitor at the Salon. Nearly sixteen years ago she married Count Casmir Markievicz, a Polish artist of distinction. She has been see driving a four-in-hand in a big Suffragist demonstration in London. She went to Manchester to oppose Mr Winston Churchill, when she championed the cause of the barmaids affected by the Licencing Bill. A Sinn Féiner for years, she quite recently underwent a domiciliary visit by the police in Dublin.

HOW IT BEGAN
Dublin was full of holiday-makers for the Easter holiday and O’Connell Street was packed with people when the revolution broke out in Dublin at 12.30pm on Monday. Simultaneously, many public buildings were seized- the GPO in Sackville Street, the Castle, St Stephen’s Green, the Four Courts, Jacob’s biscuit factory, Boland’s bread factory, the Daily Express office and others, while many private and licensed houses in the city and suburbs were entered and the occupants ejected. Within ten minutes of the employees having to evacuate the General Post Office, a new staff was installed and engaged at the various duties. Everybody was too surprised to protest, and by this time there were many casualties. The trams were hastily withdrawn from the streets and the Sinn Féiners took control of such traffic as there was. Motor cars were held up at the bayonet’s point and commandeered, the chauffeurs in some cases being ordered to drive as directed. The purpose of this manoeuvre was soon clear. It was to convey ammunition, food and stores of all kinds to the Post Office, which, when staff had been ejected, was rapidly put into a state of defence. Windows were smashed and mail bags placed at the apertures, while a green, white and yellow flag bearing the words 'The Irish Republic’ was hoisted over the building. A proclamation was posted on the door of the Post Office, announcing that English rule was at an end in Ireland.
In O’Connell Street armed men entered hotels and restaurants in the neighbourhood, flourishing revolvers, demanded food in the name of the 'Irish Republic’. The Metropole Hotel, which is just beside the Post Office was the principal establishment raided. Hither were rapidly filled by Sinn Féiners with all they could lay their hands on. Carcases of beef and mutton, chickens, sausages. Hams, bread with butter and other edibles were crammed into the trucks, which were wheeled back to the Post Office, amid cheer from the rebels inside that building. A grimly humorous touch was given to these proceedings by reason of the fact that the food was paid for in £5 and £10 notes alleged to have been appropriated from the Post Office.
The next exciting incident was the arrival of a body of mounted troops, who were met with a fusillade of shots, several troopers being hit. The soldiers quickly withdrew, and the street was left in the hands of the Sinn Féiners. From that hour (1 pm.) until nightfall crowds remained, watching and waiting. Shots were fired occasionally by the occupants of the Post Office, whose tenancy was not disputed, the police and troops having been wisely withdrawn to barracks and kept there. In the evening, about six o’clock, another mutter of excitement arose on the return of the captured motor cars with ammunition and stores of all kinds for the 'garrison’. At this hour, too, the visitors to Fairyhouse race meeting began to arrive back in the city in motor cars and taxis, and in some cases they were stopped. At St. Stephen’s Green the Sinn Féiners mobilised in twos and threes at or near noon. They entered the park by the different gates, and soon there was a large body of them assembled. All were armed and equipped, and many carried spades and pickaxes. The Green, of course, was thronged with holidaymakers, who looked with, amazement at these strange proceedings. They were not long in doubt as to their meaning, as the revolutionaries at once commenced to order them out. While these events were in progress inside the Green other bodies of Sinn Féiners took possession of the College of Surgeons and private dwelling houses.
The College was strongly held, and snipers were placed in windows and roofs all round the square. Soon when nearly all the holiday-makers were ejected from the Green, the gates were closed and the rebels put the position into a state of defence. Armed men were posted at the gates and among the shrubbery, while working parties commenced to dig trenches. A barricade of commandeered motor cars was erected across the street at St. Stephen’s Green South and the preparations then seemed to be complete.
About the same time that this was happening, Dublin Castle was attacked, the Four Courts were entered, and the great tomes in the Law Library were ruthlessly used to barricade the windows and doors. In a number of the main streets of the town crude but effective barricades were hastily erected. On all the roads leading out of the city racegoers and holiday-makers were roughly dispossessed of their vehicles. Taxi-cabs, motor cars, hackney cabs, and jaunting cars were stopped and commandeered, the horses were taken out and driven back into the city and the carriages piled pell-mell in a great: barrier across the highway. From the cover of the rough breastworks at street corners and in the squares the insurgents were able for a time to disorganise all traffic and communication. At Broadstone Station and other central points fighting took place, and dead and wounded could be seen in the streets. Meanwhile the military had assembled, and now made an effort to dislodge the rebels. They brought up troops and some machine guns, and made great execution.
About half a mile away stirring events were in progress. At Portobello Bridge there is a public-house opposite Portobello Nursing Home, and into it a party of Sinn Féiners burst, ordering the occupants to clear out. This they quickly did. and the house was at once closed. The blinds (heavy Venetian) were pulled down, and furniture apparently was dragged up to the windows. The military attacked the building, which was subsequently captured, together with several prisoners, but the main body of the Sinn Féiners escaped by a back door. Other Sinn Féiners entered the City Hall and the offices of the Daily Express and Evening Mail. Shortly afterwards those in the vicinity heard the whirr of a machine-gun, but what exactly happened one cannot say. It is sufficient to relate however, that inside half an hour the Castle and the City Hall were seen to be in the possession of the troops, and after nightfall the Daily Express office was recaptured after a brisk fight which caused a good deal of damage to the building.
The railway stations at Broadstone and Westland Row were amongst the first important points seized by the insurgents, for it was by the lines terminating there that the rebels expected their strongest reinforcements. Within Dublin itself, and intruding some who had arrived in connection with the proposed Easter Day manoeuvres, at least 20,000 armed rebels had assembled. That they expected severe fighting is clear from the fact that they had a large number of women dressed as nurses and also an ambulance corp and equipment for hospital work. The Amiens Street terminus was not, however, captured, and it’s believed that Kingsbridge also escaped their clutches. Amiens Street on Tuesday morning was in the possession of the military, and was surrounded by a rampart of bales of peat litter, some sandbags, and a fence of barbed wire, behind which a very stubborn defence could have been made if necessary. Part of the line in the neighbourhood of Donebate and Malahide had, however, been cut temporarily, isolating Dublin in this direction for a time. Repairs must have been affected very quickly, however, for a single track was in use in a very brief time. The police of Dublin were hopelessly outnumbered, and at the earlier stages were powerless in the face of such formidable forces. A number of teams from the Home Defence Corps and kindred organisations had visited Dublin on the Monday, in order to take part in inter-company shooting contests. Marching back to the city in the course of the afternoon they were received in the vicinity of Stephen’s Green, by a couple of volleys, and some fell wounded. Jacob’s biscuit factory and other buildings were occupied during the course of the day, and by nightfall the Snn Féiners had established themselves all over the city and in some of the suburbs, and it is impossible to say how many points they held.

LOOTING
During the night looting became general. Next morning there were evidences of the terrible ravages which had been committed. Shattered glass littered streets everywhere, and the footpaths of O’Connell Street were one wild welter of disorder and debris. Young boys and girls were smeared with butterscotch and toffee and chocolate from head to foot, and carried parcels of similar confectionery and sweets galore that had been taken from Noblett’s and other sweet shops. Young fellows by the dozen were in possession of packets and boxes of cigarettes, while the air was fragrant with the odour of choice cigars designed for other lips.
Boxes of cigars were offered to passers-by for a shilling, while many old ladies were festooned with necklaces and trinkets looted from jewellers’ shops. Valuable gold watches were proffered at 10s, beautiful rings from 5s to 7s 6d, perambulators and baby carts were a glut in the market, and so were boots and shoes of which latter 27,000 pairs alone were looted out of Tyler’s and a still larger number from Manfield’s and the Saxone establishments. Even amidst all the tragedy a touch of comedy was not wanting. It was provided by the spectacle of scores of robust and elderly women squatted on the footpath endeavouring to compress their too ample feet into fashionable boots and shoes. Lawrence’s huge premises wore looted from top to bottom, and in sheer wantonness the crowd lighted a huge bonfire of valuable things of which they could make no use. From the upper windows inflammable materials were flung out on the blaze below. By and by the burning materials accumulated in the direction of the door, and in a few minutes more the ground floor had caught fire. A general stampede towards the door followed, but some eight or ten children on the upper floors were cut off from escape. A minute or two later they appeared at the top of the building, and as the flames surged towards them they flung themselves to the roadway below, one after another. Relatives and friends picked up the broken and mangled little bodies and bore them away.

RUINS
O’Connell Street is one long ruin, save for an occasional building here and there, which the mob for some extraordinary reason seem to have spared. The rising, so far as Dublin was concerned, was in the main restricted to a compact area in the heart of the city with the rebels in three main bodies- at the Post Office, St. Stephen’s Green, and Jacob’s, which covered important approaches. The whole plan bore evidence of having been carefully thought out, alike in the positions seized and in the manner in which they were rushed.
As stated in last week’s issue of the Anglo-Celt, Liberty Hall, which, was the headquarters of the Sinn Féiners, was shelled and machine guns were also trained on it from the roofs of the surrounding buildings. When the bombardment ceased and the soldiers entered the hall, no fewer than thirty dead were found there.
No Dublin newspapers appeared during the week following the outbreak except the Irish Times, and this only, as a single sheet Government Bulletin.

CAUGHT IN INFERNO
It was on Friday night that the rebels were finally driven out of the Post Office. Efforts had been made to dislodge them in such a manner as would leave the building intact. Asphyxiating gas was employed. Bodies of snipers hacked holes through the interior walls of houses in O’Connell Street, and were thus able to patrol inside half the length of the street, and fire without emerging into the open. To counteract this, the military sprayed these houses with shrapnel and machine-gun fire, while heavier guns started shelling the Post Office itself. In a very short time it was ablaze, and those within were caught in an inferno. Practically not one escaped alive, and when the bombardment ceased a mere skeleton of masonry was all that remained of the noble pile of buildings.
Bodies of troops suffered at various places in the earlier stages of the fighting.

SOME LEADERS SHOT
The hospitals are full of wounded, and many prisoners have been taken. Martial law is being rigorously enforced, and it is known that a number of the leaders have already been shot by order of court-martial.
For the most part the insurgents were armed with old-fashioned rifles and bayonets. The troops brought machine guns, which were used at such points as Davy’s Stores on Monday night, Kelly’s Corner on Tuesday, and at Camden Street on Wednesday. The frontages of premises were riddled with bullets to drive them out, but the buildings themselves were not demolished. Dislodged from Kelly’s and driven from Camden Street, they got out of Delahunts but on Wednesday they were still holding public-houses on the corner of the Green, dominating Grafton Street, and they maintained ground at the Post Office, the Green, and Jacob’s as well as elsewhere. A number of rebels were taken prisoner. A rescue was attempted; several deaths resulting, and subsequent to that the authorities kept people at a distance when they were removing prisoners.

£7,000 IN POST OFFICE
It is stated that there was £7,000 in the Post Office for the payment of weekly pensions and other current disbursements when the rebels entered into occupation on Monday, and the employees’ canteen yielded an abundant commissariat. But on the following morning the invaders made a breakfast hour descent to the Gresham Hotel across the way, and commandeered all the food supplies that they could lay hands on.

A WOMAN LEADER
A striking figure in the rebellion is an elderly woman, stated to be of high title, she is spoken of as a Sinn Féin leader. She appeared in uniform—green tunic and trousers, and carried a rifle with fixed bayonet.

THE BANK OF IRELAND.
The Bank of Ireland was saved by members of the Officers’ Training Corps, who fired on the insurgents from Trinity College. At one spot a wounded man fell during the confusion, and a young girl wheeling a perambulator, which had also been overturned ran up to the man, managed to lift him, and with her arms round his waist dragged him to safety, completely indifferent to her own personal safety.

PROFESSOR JOHN MACNEILL
It is confidently reported that Professor John McNeill, Chief of Staff of the Irish National Volunteers, has been held as a prisoner since Monday last, but whether it’s by the authorities or by the insurgents is not known.

TWO PRIESTS SHOT
During the fighting a priest belonging to one of the Orders ran forward to reach a man who had been shot, and he fell too. Another priest who had also come on the scene was likewise wounded.

THE PROCLAMATION
On Tuesday morning the Lord Lieutenant issued a proclamation, which stated that an attempt, instigated and designed by the foreign enemies of our King and country to incite rebellion in Ireland, and thus endanger the safety of the United Kingdom, had been made by a reckless, though small body of men who lad been guilty of insurrectionary acts in the city of Dublin, and concluding- “We hereby enjoin all loyal and law-abiding citizens to abstain from any acts or conduct which, might interfere with the action of the Executive Government, and in particular we warn all citizens of the danger of unnecessarily frequenting the streets or public places, or of assembling in crowds”.

BOOM OF THE GUNS
A non-commissioned officer of the New Zealanders, who had been in action in Dublin since the outbreak, said he had had an interview with some of the leaders of the revolutionary movement who had been taken prisoners, and they stated it was the booming of the artillery guns that demoralised them.
Mr. Reginald Neville, of Films Ltd., who had a most exciting experience, says the bombardment of Liberty Hall at 6a.m. on Wednesday was not by a gunboat in the Liffey. It was, as a matter of fact shelled from the quay on the opposite side of the river. The 17 occupants of the building were shot down when trying to make their escape. On Wednesday afternoon the fighting was at its height, machine guns rattling from the roofs of buildings and rifle fire proceeding with continuity. The military were using a large number of quick-firing guns, which did very effective work. The insurgents, on the other hand, were only equipped with primitive rifles. They had also hand grenades, made in a most original and remarkable way out of old tin cans packed with gunpowder and the lead of the linotype machine which they had seized at the newspaper offices.
According to Mr. Neville the trouble began on Monday at 11.30, and the first house to be pillaged was Noblett’s in O’Connell Street. This is extraordinary, as Noblett’s sell nothing but sweets, Mr Neville further tells us that the next raided was the True Form Boot Company adjoining, which too fire in the afternoon, but which was partially saved by the prompt turnout of the Dublin Fire Brigade. “The Police were taken off the street at the first sign of trouble, and accordingly there was no protection of any kind. On Tuesday the bullets fired from Trinity College, which was always in possession of the military, whizzed over spectators’ heads lacerating the tram and telegraphic wires. People were quite safe as long as they did not loiter, but if they stopped in the one place for any length of time they were fired on. The flames of at Lawerence’s Bazaar opposite the Post Office were so fierce that though eighteen lines of hose were brought up and the full force of the Dublin Fire Brigade extended to limiting its ravages. The place was blazing until late into the night and ultimately feel into one huge heap of debris. During this outbreak several onlookers were shot. The big boot factory of Manfield’s, at the corner of Abbey Street, was ravaged the same evening by the mob. On Wednesday morning ' the military had been reinforced, and Trinity College Park was one mass of the khaki-clad troops. After clearing out the insurgents the soldiers patrolled the streets and kept order. The artillery use their guns freely, and four of them operated in Lower Abbey Street on the barricade, which was composed of handcarts, motor bicycles, and rolls of printing paper, these taking fire, the conflagration spreading to Keating’s cycle shop on one side, and Wynnes’ hotel on the other side. He assisted in trying to subdue these fires from further spreading, but owing to a deficient water supply they were helpless. Cut off from Sackville Street by a shower of bullets, the only exit for us was via Abbey Street. They go their party together about 18 in all, including the Russian troupe of dancers which were to appear at the Empire Theatre, Dublin, and due in Belfast this week, and made their escape through Wynne’s hotel. In getting away a boy of 12 was shot, and the next to fall was the manageress of the Grand Hotel, shot in the hip by a bullet which inflicted a wound of at least three inches in diameter. They ultimately gained shelter in the Custom House, and after being 26 hours without food the women were given a rasher of bacon each, and the men some dry bread. He subsequently escaped by train to Belfast. No one he had been speaking to could give the slightest idea of what the Sinn Féiners expected to attain, as he says it seemed a hopeless affair. In the neighbourhood of the Custom House he saw at least eight women lying dead. Hundreds of others were wounded, but these were carried away for treatment in the city hospitals. In Mercer’s alone over 6OO cases were treated. It was on Friday morning that the great assault was made on the Post Office. The military tried to expel the rebels with the assistance of two armoured motor cars, but the building did not lend itself to bombardment. The building subsequently went on fire.

THE FLAMES
When the Post Office went on fire the flames rose to a distance of fifty yards in the air. Clery’s has also been destroyed, as have practically all the buildings from Henry Street and O’Connell Street to Men Quay.

SINN FEIN UNIFORM
A tunic of the uniform worn by the Sinn Féiners has been obtained by the authorities. It bears a great similarity to that worn by an officer of the British Army, and is in colour not dissimilar to khaki. Instead of the dark khaki marks of rank on the cuff, the braid is green, as also are the two stars upon the cuffs, denoting that the wearer was a lieutenant. A gun which has also been found is of the oldest Mauser type.

THE SURRENDER
MESSAGE FROM THE LEADERS
On Saturday evening the following documents signed by the leader of the Revolutionary forces, was issued: “In order to prevent the further slaughter of unarmed people, and in the hope of saving the lives of our followers, now surrounded and hopelessly outnumbered, members of the Provisional Government present at Headquarters have agreed to an unconditional surrender, and the commanders of all units of the Republican Forces will order their followers to lay down their arms.
(Signed) P. H Pearse. Dated this 29th day of April, 1916.

On Saturday evening and before receipt of the above, the following was issued: “The Sinn Féin rebels in the area of Capel Street, Great Britain Street, and Lower Gardiner Street are completely surrounded by a cordon of troops, which is gradually closing on to the centre. The troops, assisted by artillery, are gradually overcoming resistance. One of the principal leaders; P. II. Pearse, is known to be inside the cordon suffering from a fractured thigh. The woman known as Countess Markievicz has also been seen inside. Another leader James Connolly is reported killed. The adjoining area, containing the Four Courts is also surrounded by a cordon, which is closing on its centre, and containing therein most of the rebels. A division complete with artillery is now operating in the Dublin area and more troops are constantly arriving. Arrangements are being made to intern in England all Sinn Féiners captured or surrendered who are not dealt with here. Roger Casement has declared that Germany has sent all assistance she is going to send, and this is now at the bottom of the sea.”
(This last statement has reference to the sinking of the vessel which conveyed Sir R. Casement from Germany to Ireland, and which is dealt with fully in another part of the Anglo-Celt.)
The following communique was issued by the Field-Marshal Commanding-in-Chief of the Home Forces at 0.45p.m on Sunday: “The General Officer Commanding-in-Chief of the Irish Command has reported that the situation in Dublin is much more satisfactory. Throughout the country there was still much more to be done which would take time, but he hoped that the back of the Rebellion has been broken.
“Last night messengers were sent out from the leaders of the rebels in Dublin to rebel bodies in Galway, Clare, Wexford, Louth, and Dublin counties ordering surrender, and the priests and Royal Irish. Constabulary are doing their utmost to disseminate this information.
“As regards the situation in Dublin the rebels from the areas of Sackville Street, Post Office, and Four Courts are surrendering freely.
“More incendiary fires took place in Sackville Street last night, but the Fire Brigade has now been able to resume work.
“It is further reported that up to the present 707 prisoners have been taken. Included among these is the Countess Markievicz.
“The Provinces—The rebels at Enniscorthy were reported to be still an possession of this place, and a mixed artillery, including 1.7-inch guns, had been sent from Wexford with a view to engaging the rebels. The latest information from Enniscorthy shows that the rebel leader at this place does not believe in the rebel leader’s message from Dublin, and has proceeded to that city in a motor car under escort to verify the information. In the meantime a truce exists.
“A deputation for a similar purpose from the rebels at Ashbourne has also been sent to Dublin. In Galway the rebels appear to be disbanding, and a few arrests have been made. The situation at New Ross, Gorey, Wicklow, Bagnalstown, and Arklow is reported to be normal. Carlow and Dunlavin are believed to be quiet.”

OFFICIAL MESSAGES
On Sunday evening the following official message was received:—” Yesterday the Sinn Féin leaders (James Connolly) unconditionally surrendered to the General Officer Commandmg-in-Chief in Ireland. These leaders anxious to avoid further bloodshed, have signed a notice to other leaders and their parties both in Dublin and in the country, calling on them to surrender, as their cause is hopeless. These notices are being circulated by the Royal Irish Constabulary to all stations. A large number of men surrendered last night and this morning, and it is expected that others will follow during the course of the day. Flying column will at once proceed to various points to stimulate the surrender of parties in the country. Emissaries have come in from the Sinn Féin party at and about Ashbourne and Swords, and from Wexford, to verify the fact of the above surrender, and with a view to their immediate surrender.
(The phrasing of the first paragraph of the above is as received, the mention of the name of James Connolly being apparently intended to go in parentheses as we have put it, with the object of indicating that he has not been killed, as other messages state.

A WIRELESS MESSAGE
The following communication was issued on Sunday evening by the Brigade Major’s Office, Victoria Barracks, Belfast.
The following was picked up by wireless at East Twin Island at 7.45 p.m tonight (Sunday): “The Viceroy of Ireland wishes the following message to be given the utmost publicity. —Official Communique By The Lord Lieutenant, Viceregal Lodge, Dublin, April; 3oth- Yesterday Pearse the rebel leader surrendered, and the great bulk of his supporters in the city, and throughout the country have done likewise. Only a few detached bodies have not yet made their submission and they are being effectively dealt with.”

WOMEN FIGHTERS
SOLDIERS AND HAND GRENADES
“There are a conspicuous number of women fighters with the rebels, and some have been shot and some captured,” declared a gentleman who arrived in London from Dublin to a representative of the Press Association on Saturday. “I saw a number of wounded marching into Dublin on Sunday last. Some of them had naval revolvers strapped round them. They were wearing the dark green uniform similar to that of the male insurgents and slouch hats. They consist largely of young women, but there are a number of older ones among them. I believe they have had training with the men for they do not lack a certain discipline and organisation. There have been cases of military officers being shot from behind by women.”
The informant, who was in Dublin in connection with the spring cattle chow, which had to be abandoned because the military commandeered the ground at Ballsbridge, had seen a good deal of the fighting, having been voluntarily engaged upon ambulance work. Dealing with the methods employed by the soldiers in their efforts to dislodge the rebels from their positions, he said: “The rebels would allow the soldiers to approach, and while the soldiers were pausing before the attack, they would snipe at them from the windows of houses they occupied. The soldiers say that it is worse than France, because they never know when to expect to be fired upon or where the enemy is. They have now adopted other tactics, however. They fire for a while at houses, and then a bombing party rushes up with hand grenades.
“The rebels are being gradually driven from house to house, and the direction from which the tiring comes is continually changing. The rebels, who know every inch of the city, get away from the soldiers and appear somewhere else. By means of knocking openings in the partition walls of houses, they have succeeded in some thoroughfares in establishing covered communications. They occupied a number of big houses which commanded important thoroughfares. They were burned out of one of these strongholds in Percy Place; and gas was employed by the military in dislodging them from part of the Post Office. The rebels displayed a white flag in token of surrender, but on an officer approaching to ascertain their mooning, who was shot dead. An. R.A.M.C . man told me that there are few wounded rebels—many have been shot outright. As I drove towards Kingstown on Thursday I saw some guns being brought up. I helped at a hospital base in Northumberland Street, and picked up several soldiers who had been shot by the rebels in a house in Percy Street. There an adjutant and soldiers were killed and five more wounded. The rebels had evidently got a great deal of ammunition. A number of over-curious civilians were hit. Out of fifteen dead that I picked up three were civilians The population are making the most of the rebellion, and it is not the insurgents themselves who are guilty of most of the looting. On Thursday night I saw some _ women coming down Grafton Street carrying boxes of oranges taken from some shop, and passers-by wore helping themselves.
The bakers’ carts when they appear are at once surrounded by people anxious to get bread.

SAVED AN ENGLISHMAN
Another passenger on the Irish mail repeated a rumour to the effect that all the rebel leaders had surrendered unconditionally, but this view was discounted by others. One gentleman told a story of a woman whose sympathies were with the rebels, to whom she desired to take a message, saying she was eager to save the life of a certain Englishman. She secured a pass, and entered the danger zone. In spite of the fact that the insurgents were firing into the streets she went straight to the houses they occupied, gave her message, and returned safely.

DUBLIN AS IT IS TODAY
Words can convey but a meagre idea of the terrible destruction wrought in the capital. The heart is torn from our metropolis. Two simple signs describes one’s thoughts- 'Every person as ha passes along Sackville Street exclaims and then asks a question, Standing on O’Connell Bridge looking on what was once the finest thoroughfare in the world, the scene which meets one’s gaze would make the heart of the most hardened grow sad. On the right from Hopkins’ corner to Cathedral Street, and for a considerable distance down Eden Quay, nothing meets the eye but a mass of smouldering ruins; Lower Abbey Street, Sackville Place, Earl Street, and the south side of Cathedral Street being involved. The principal promises ruined include Messrs. Hopkins & Hopkins’ jewellery shop; Messrs Hamilton Long’s chemists; Tne D.ii.C. Restaurant; A Picture House; Messrs Rein, jewellers; Wynne’s Hotel: Messrs Mooney’s two houses in Lower Abbey Street, and Eden Quay; the Hibernian Academy; the branches of the Hibernian and Minister and Leinster Banks; the Imperial Hotel, and Messrs Clery & CO’s warehouse in the same building; Noblett’s sweet shop; the offices of the Trainway Co; Nagle’s and Sheridan’s public houses, Earl Street; Downes’ Restaurant; Lawrence’s Warehouse. Then on the opposite side from Chancellor’s corner to the premises of Messrs Elvery & Co, is pretty well intact, but from this point to Henry Street every building is wiped out. Middle Abbey Street suffered severely. On the south side the fire extended four or five houses from Bolgers’ corner, and on the north side terrible havoc was wrought by the flames. Henry Street, as far as Messrs. Arnott’s is completely gone. Arnott’s stands out over the ruins, and does not appear to be much damaged. On the opposite side of Henry Street there is a gap in the centre, where tho premises of’ Messrs. Hampton, Leedom, & Co., and two houses adjoining stood. The G.P.O. is completely gutted, but the walls and pillars still stand. On this side of Sackville Street, the chief buildings destroyed besides the Post Office are The Hotel Metropole, the Freeman’s Journal Office, Messrs Eason’s premises in Sackville Street, and Middle Abbey Street, Mansfield’s boot shop; Messrs Alex Thorn’s printing works; Messrs Sealy Bryers and Walker’s premises; the Oval Bar, Abbey Street; Messrs Bewley’s, Henry Street; the Coliseum Theatre; Messrs Fitzgerald’s and Messrs Curtis & Sons, Abbey Street. In this area, that is, within a few hundred yards or the intersection of Abbey Street and Sackville Street, the damage to buildings and stocks cannot be less than £2,500,000. Considerable damage by fire and looting is done in various other parts of the city, but it pales into insignificance when compared with the destruction in the Sackville Street area. Grafton Street is safe except for. the loss thorough looting from a few shops. Messrs Woolworth’s bazaar was thoroughly rifled, the gaudy gee-gaws attracting the enterprising pillagers, whilst the gold and silver plate and precious stones of Messrs West & Co. in the same street were left untouched. A peculiar circumstance in connection, with the looting was that in all streets the boots shops were the first attacked. The houses in many streets are damaged by rifle and machine-gun fire, but little damage is done by shells or conflagrations. If one did not seek beyond Sackville Street the impression would certainly be that that Dublin was ruined beyond possibility of recovery. But it is not so. When one passes from the awful scene and proceeds through other parts of the city sentimental emotions give way to more practical thoughts which convince one that the vast beauty of Sackville Street and the once ornate imposing buildings of which it was composed are almost all of little importance to the commercial solidity of the capital. Branches of banks, insurance offices, retail shops, hotels, places of amusement, offices and chambers are only the results of prosperity; they do nothing to create it. All these can be carried on in other places or done without for a time. It will take a number of years to restore Dublin’s physical beauty. There is no reason why its commercial prosperity cannot be maintained or indeed, made stronger than ever.

GOVERNMENT SAY IT WAS 'GERMAN MOVE’
It is officially stated: “As to whether there was any connection between the movement and the German Government we are quite certain, of that. The whole thing was timed, the Casement ship was sent from Germany, and he himself accompanied it, although not actually on the ship, and was timed to coincide with the attack upon Yarmouth’ and Lowestoft by the German foot and the outbreak of the revolt in Dublin. Their main object was to divert troops from the Continent to Ireland. At this time a Limerick car ran into the river near Tralee containing two men. When the occupants were picked up drowned it was found that they were wearing the Sinn Féin colours. The rebels are using a job lot of rifles. It was the belief that it was not decided to make the rising until the decision was come to on Monday morning, and it was considered that the organisation had been shaken by the arrest of Casement. The rising in the provinces did not take place until after that in Dublin. The rebels did not cut the wire to, the Curragh. and they have never been in a position to be able to do so. It was a surprise, and after the arrival of the troops from the Curragh they could never have had any chance. It was Sydney Street on a large scale. How they could have had any idea of holding out against the forces we had at our command cannot be conceived.”

SINN FEIN
ORIGIN OF THE MOVEMENT
The Sinn Féin movement was started 20 years ago by some Civil Servants, young men in Dublin business house, and a particularly clever young North of Ireland man named William Rooney, its aim at the foundation being purely literary. Prominent Gaelic Leaguers joined in, and then came the Countess Markievez, daughter of the late Sir Jocelyn Gore-Booth, of Lissadell, Co. Sligo, sister of the present baronet of that name, and a Protestant. It soon became fairly evident that these young men and some of the older men who joined them bad arrived at the conclusion that they were the destined leaders of a great new Irish 'movement’. The character of that movement was not clearly evident from the writings. Their policy was broadly national, but quite chaotic from the practical standpoint. Comparatively little notice was taken of them, throughout the country, but when the United Irish League was established and began to spread from Connaught, across the Shannon into the other provinces, the Dublin group discovered an object in life. They expended the vials of their vituperation on the new League and on its founders. They set up a candidate against its earliest nominee for a Parliamentary vacancy in the County of Mayo, and week after week the organ was filled with attacks on everyone connected with the Irish National Organisation. During the earlier years it was joined by Miss Maud Gonne -the daughter of a small Kerry landlord, and Protestant—who appeared in Ireland after a Continental career and was promptly styled “The Irish Joan of Arc” by her admirers. Miss Gonne was the inspirer of various 'excursions and alarms’ in Dublin during the early nineties and the first few years of the present century. Nationalists in general were at one with Mr Lloyd George, the late Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, and other English Radical and Liberal loaders in opposition to the Boer War, and during the few years of that struggle The United Irish League grew in vigour and influence throughout the country, while the activities of its opponents were severely restricted to the city of Dublin. At an early stage William Rooney died at the age of 26 and the leadership went into other hands.
In one of the English Sunday papers Dr Arthur Lynch, M.P., has written: “The Sinn Féiners adopted with ardour the language movement, and in the early days- they have been in existence only a few years- they had at their service the pens of some of the most brilliant young Irish writers, poets, idealists, sparkling with wit and verve. . . . At one time the movement had spread rapidly; the paper 'Sinn Féin’ had become an important daily. Leagues started up everywhere; then the movement gradually died down. The daily paper ceased to appear, a weekly paper which replaced it gradually diminished in size.”
'Sinn Féin’ was adopted as the name and motto of this movement only when the publishers of the United Irishman were compelled to drop it as the result of a libel action instituted by a Minister priest whom they had attacked. The United Irishman disappeared; the sheet called 'Sinn Féin’ took its place, and a little later on the assistance of a brilliant but ill-informed Irishman from Buenos Ayres—the late Mr William Bulfin was enlisted, and with capital mainly supplied by him the sheet called 'Sinn Féin’ was published every day in Dublin for the space of five or six weeks, when it died, but the little weekly paper of the same name continued, and was merciless in its attacks upon the Irish Parliamentary party. Meanwhile the English Tory Press was encouraging 'Sinn Féin’ by publishing articles week after week commending the idealism of the younger generation of Irishmen, and contrasting their programme with the “selfish and material policy” of the Irish leaders and the United Irish League.
At a later stage Sir Roger Casement became associated with the movement, which had in its ranks a great many very clever young Dublin men of all religions, and others in different parts of the country. This, in brief, is an outline of the Sinn Féin movement.

REDMOND SPEAKS ON THE DUBLIN OUTBREAK
Mr. John Redmond, M.P, has made the following statement (says a New York cable) with regard to the events in Dublin to a London representative of the Central News of America: “My first feeling, of course, on hearing of this insane movement was one of horror--almost despair, I askecl myself whether lreland, as to often before in her tragic history, was to dash the cup of liberty from her lips. Was the insanity of a small section of our people once again to turn all her marvellous victories of the last few years into irreparable defeat, and to send her back, on the very eve of her final recognition as a free nation, into another long night of slavery, incalculable suffering, weary and uncertain struggle? For look at the Irish position today. In the short space of forty years she has by a constitutional movement made an almost unbrokenly triumphant march from pauperism and slavery to prosperity and freedom. She has won back the possession of the Irish land; she has stayed emigration; she at last began an era of national prosperity. Finally, she succeeded in placing on the Statute Book the greatest charter of freedom ever offered her since the days of Grattan. Is all this to be lost?
“When the war came she made a choice which was inevitable if she was to be true to all the principles which she had held through all her history, and which she has just so completely vindicated on her own soil, namely, the rights of small nations, the sacred principle of nationality, liberty, and democracy. What has Ireland suffered in the past which Poland, Alsace, Belgium, and Servia have not suffered at the hands of Germany, and, I may add also, that portion of the soil of France, her old friend and ally, which is in the hands of Germany? What has been the record of Germany but the suppression of nationality, of freedom, and of language—in short, the suppression of all the things for which for centuries Ireland has struggled, the victory of which Ireland has achieved.
“Takes the case of Belgium. Has there not been there the same ruthless shedding of the blood of priests and people that is part of Ireland’s own history?
“Leave the question of principle out, and consider the question only of the mere interests of Ireland herself. What did the situation demand? Neutrality? That was impossible. Hostility to the just cause of the. Allies? Is there a sane man in Ireland who does not see this meant the drowning of the newly won liberties of Ireland in Irish blood. Be these views right or wrong, this was the opinion of the overwhelming majority of the Irish people. It was the opinion which thousands of Irish soldiers have sealed with their blood by dying in the cause of the liberty of Ireland and of the world. But anyhow, it was the opinion of Ireland, and surely I need not argue the principle, especially with anybody who professes himself to be a Home Ruler, that the policy of Ireland must be decided by Ireland herself. That is a principle which has been accepted by the Irish race everywhere. The millions of our people in the United States and elsewhere, whose generous devotion has helped us so largely to win our victories for the motherland of the race have always accepted it. However bounteous their help, never have they denied the right of Ireland to choose her policy for herself. That doctrine has been contested only by the very same men who have today tried to make Ireland the catspaw of Germany. In all our long and successful struggle to obtain Home Rule not through them, but in spite of them. This wicked move of theirs was their last blow for Home Rule. It was not half as much treason to the cause of the Allies as treason to the cause of Home Rule.
“This attempted blow at Home Rule, carried on through this section, is made the more wicked and the more insolent by the fact- that Germany plotted it. Germany organised it, Germany paid for it. So far as Germany’s share in it is concerned, it is a German invasion of Ireland as brutal, as selfish, as cynical as Germany’s invasion of Belgium. Blood has been shed and if Ireland has not been reduced to the same horrors as Belgium, with her starving people, her massacred priests, her violated convents, it is not the fault of Germany. And the final aggravation of the movement is this- the misguided and insane young men who have taken part in this movement in Ireland have risked and some of them have lost their lives. But what am I to say of those men who have sent them into this insane and anti-patriotic movement while they have remained in the safe remoteness of American cities. I might add that this movement has been set in motion by this same class of men at the very moment when America is demanding reparation for the blood of innocent American men at the very moment when America is demanding reparation for the blood of innocent American men and women and children shed by the Germans, and thus are guilty of double treason- treason to the generous land that received them as well as to the land which gave them birth.
“It is not an addition horror that on the very day when we hear that men of the Dublin Fusiliers have been killed by Irishmen in the streets of Dublin we receive the new of how the men of the 16th Division- our own Irish Brigade and of the same Dublin Fusiliers- had dashed forward and by their unconquerable bravery retaken the trenches that the Germans had won at Hulluch? Was there ever such a picture of the tragedy which a small section of the Irish faction had so often inflicted on the fairest hopes and the bravest deeds of Ireland? As to the final result I do not believe that this wicked and insane movement will achieve its ends. The German plot has failed. The majority of the people of Ireland retain their calmness, fortitude and unity. The abhor this attack on their interests, their rights, their hopes, their principles. Home Rule has not been destroyed, it remains indestructible.

MESSAGES TO REMOND
CABLES FROM ABROAD
Mr John Redmond has received the following messages: -
“We, the representatives of all the Irish societies in Birmingham- via United Irish League, Irish National Foresters, the Eighty two Committee, and Ancient Order of Hibernians- deeply deplore and emphatically condemn the rebellious and murderous conduct of certain people in Ireland, who representing an infinitesimal portion of the population, and who, without the faintest shadow of reason or the slightest ground for complaint have been the cause of disorder and disunion at a time when all the forces of the country are needed to meet the common enemy.
“We al;so pray that law and order may be speedily restored, and we declare our united resolve to support Mr John Redmond and the Irish Party in their sane and patriotic policy of assisting the British Government in its efforts to quell the rebellion and to prevent by the adoption of prudent and precautionary measures such disturbances of peace for the future.”

FROM TYNESIDE
“The Irishmen of Tyneside who have recruited a purely Irish Brigade for the defence of Ireland, the Empire, and the liberties of Europe are with you heart and soul in this crisis.
“We note with gratitude your statement in the House of Commons on Thursday. The sentiments expressed therein are those of every Irishman who has the destiny of the country at heart.”

NEW ZEALAND
“New Zealand Hibernians in annual conference assembled, abhor and regret Dublin disturbances. Sympathy renewed. Confidence in Irish Leader and Party.”

QUEENSLAND
“Queensland Irish condemn and deplore the disturbances in Ireland, and reaffirm their confidence in leaders and members of the Irish Party. Irish soldiers in the present war by their valour and devotion have demonstrated their loyalty to the Empire.”

NEW YORK
“New York- A mass meeting of the Municipal Council of the United Irish League assure you and the party an absolute and unflinching support under the unprecedented circumstances caused by the present regrettable outbreak, which is fraught with the greatest dangers to all Ireland’s best interests, and strongly condemn conspiracy, which has been conceived and engineered by men who never had and never will have Ireland’s welfare at heart.
“We extend our sympathy to our misguided brethren, whose mistaken sense of patriotism and duty has allowed them to be led into such a deplorable position by selfish, unscrupulous and cunning propagandists.”

NATIONAL VOLUNTEERS
The Press Association says Mr Redmond has placed himself absolutely at the disposal of the authorities, and is in constant touch with them.
He has instructed the Irish National Volunteers in all parts of Ireland to hold themselves at the disposal of the military authorities.
In many places besides Dublin they have already on their own motion mobilised in force.

GEN. BOTHA AND MR REDMOND
Mr John Redmond MP has received the following cablegram from General Botha, Prime Minister of South Africa:- Capetown, April 29.- Accept the heartfelt sympathy and regret that a small section in Ireland is jeopardising the great cause. I hope the Irish people will follow your line of action, and that your policy will be successful- (Signed) Louis Botha.
Mr Redmond has cabled the following reply- On behalf of my colleagues and myself, and the overwhelming majority of the Irish people, I send you sincere thanks for your message of sympathy and support.

MESSAGES TO SIR E CARSON
Sir Edward Carson has received these cablegrams-
Sydney. Saturday- Orange Institution Australasia fully in accord with your attitude Irish situation- Jessop, President.
King William’s Town (Cape Colony), Saturday- Accept congratulations your first stand against rebellion. We pray for your success Irish Association.

FOOD FOR THE PEOPLE
On the question of provisioning the city, it is stated that the matter is receiving every attention. “There is plenty of food in the city, plenty of flour and plenty of animals to be killed. The problem is the distribution. The people are getting some communication with the shops, but the trade, of course, is not being carried on in the ordinary way.”
It was subsequently stated:- Large quantities of foodstuffs, including tinned milk, biscuits and sugar, have been found in a warehouse upon one of the quays, and there is a plentiful supply of flour and coal. An inventory has been made today of the foodstuffs at the disposal of the authorities and committees have been set up in the various districts to superintend the distribution. Owing to there being practically no money currency in Dublin now, food vouchers are to be issued either on payment of a small sum or the promise to pay when possible. It is recognised however that there are few people among the poorer classes who will be in a position to pay for some considerable time, and that in such cases it is really a question of free distribution. Along the North Circular Road on Saturday some shops were opened, but the barricades still remained at the entrance to the by-streets and armed sentries were still on duty. In the early hours of Saturday morning there was a heavy explosion in the neighbourhood of the Customs House.
On Saturday the task of supplying food to the civilian population is well in hands. It seems to have been taken up just at the right moment as the people’s supply of money on Friday was growing very short. Considerable supplies of fish are being constantly received, and under the control of the military fish and bread rations are being issued.
In the morning scores of inhabitants, some of them apparently of well-to-do station in life, made their way to the wharf under guard and were supplied with codfish. It was a curious night to seem them on their return, carrying the fish, some of them three feet long by the jowl with their army bread ration in the other hand. The recipients appeared quite happy with their load, but considerable anxiety prevails among relations in the area where the more serious fighting has occurred, and who have not been heard of since the commencement of the revolt.”